
The Land
For generations Highland communities tended to occupy defined areas associated with a specific clan chief, perhaps taking his name, perhaps not, but loyal to him and protected by him and their fellow clan members. The largely self-sufficiency of clans included small-scale farming – crofting; modest crop growing and communal grazing areas for animals. Crofters also had to provide essential services for their fellow-clan members so some were skilled carpenters, tailors, soutars (shoe makers) and so on. Crofting was a hand-to-mouth existence with no security of tenure and land laws were written by and for landowners. The result from the late 18th century was what today would be referred to as ethnic cleansing of thousands of men, women and children from the Highlands and Islands.
The late 18th and 19th centuries brought sweeping changes that destroyed whole townships with their kinship ties, drove people out of homes and off their traditional lands when landlords, lairds, who claimed legal ownership of the land sought to increase the income they could take from it. Tenant farmers paying tiny rents were regarded as barriers to profit so turfed out as sheep raised for mutton were introduced along with ‘hunting parks’ – deer forests in which for a charge ‘sportsmen and women’ were encouraged to shoot stags and hinds. Highland territory became an economic opportunity that attracted land speculators with disposable funds and so land came to be concentrated into the hands of a relatively small number of wealthy estate owners, often with little or no connection to the Highlands or even to Scotland. By 1872 90% of all of Scotland was owned by 1,380 individuals.
The Mathesons accumulated a vast fortune from smuggling opium out of British India and into China. When the Chinese government attempted to stop the illegal trade, war was declared between Britain and China. It didn’t end well for China but it did for the Jardine Matheson company. Their profits were eye-wateringly massive. All from the misery of others. Having created misery among the Chinese James Matheson turned his jaundiced eye to his native Scotland – buying up the Isle of Lewis in 1844 then promptly ordering over 500 families off their land and out of Scotland, shipped them off to Canada. James Matheson’s nephew and partner in Jardine Matheson was as bad as his uncle and swathes of Highland territory along with people who lived there were purchased with mere pocket money from the disposable incomes of these drug barons.
The language
Gaelic was the language of the Highland Gaels. Entirely Gaelic. Local knowledge and histories were passed from generation to generation through recitations of verse and song. English was the language of the enemy from the south. It was also the language of every newspaper in Scotland. In the time of the Clearances those people most affected got their information about discontent in other parts from visitors who set up meetings and attended social gatherings such as ceilidhs, not from newspapers. Land reform campaigners toured the Highlands and Islands spreading news of direct action and encouraged crofters and cottars (those without land) to resist the callous actions of their lairds. One such person was Mary Macpherson.
Born on Skye in 1821 Mary MacDonald later married and took the name MacPherson. She was also known as Màiri Mhòr nan Òran, translated as Great Mary of the Songs; great in stature at 5ft 9 in tall and weighing 17 stone in her later life but great also for the impact of her narratives that found admirers worldwide. Mary’s background on Skye was entirely Gaelic in language and culture. She could recite Gaelic narratives and sing traditional songs but she also came to compose her own mostly on the subject of the Clearances and the need for radical land reform. It wasn’t until she went to live on the mainland she learnt to read and write. From Inverness she went to Glasgow where she trained as a nurse and then to Greenock before returning to her native Skye in 1882 to champion resistance to landlordism.
Dispossession and Abuse
Generations of Highlanders and Islanders only knew a clan system based on obedience and deference, behaviour that was difficult to shift despite the predicaments they found themselves in during the Clearances, and quite different from responses in urban struggles of the time. The erosion of chiefs’ sense of duty to their land and clansfolk coupled with their aspiration to exploit their estates as well as the arrival of nouveau rich land grabbers did little to end crofters’ ingrained deference for authority systematically drilled into them every Sabbath. Mary condemned these Holy Willies who cared nothing for the people and their struggles and when a campaign group for crofters’ rights formed a political party, the Crofters’ Party, she went on the campaign trail with one of its candidate Charles Fraser-Mackintosh during the 1874 election. She was by then well-known for her political songs and poetry condemning avaricious landowners for their indifference to human suffering. Frequently accompanying her and Fraser-Macintosh was John Murdoch, a man who set up a bi-lingual newspaper in Gaelic and English that reflected lives in the Highlands and valued the culture in a way no other Scottish newspaper did.
These three individuals were representative of land campaigners who encouraged direct action among the crofting community to defend their livelihoods and traditions. They had their work cut out convincing pious Gaels resist the awful treatment of them by landlords not least because of Church of Scotland ministers active support of lairds while insisting anyone contemplating challenging authority should cease and show respect for their ‘betters’. The Free Kirk of Scotland was more sympathetic to the plight of crofters and cottars but both kirks warned against breaking the law – law that was always on the side of those represented in parliament – the landlords.
Some of the greatest political resistance to landlordism took place on Skye and Westminster responded with force – in February of 1882 a gunboat with troops landed to arrest Glendale crofters for defying the sheriff’s summonses ordering them to leave their land. Elsewhere on Skye Lord Macdonald’s doubling of rents and refusal to renew leases when they lapsed resulted in Blàr a’ Chumhaing’ translated as the Battle of the Braes. On 17 April his tenants went on rent strike and physically claimed possession of common grazing on Ben Lee. A Skye Vigilance Committee was setup to support and advise islanders on resistance. When a sheriff officer arrived with 70 eviction summonses he was intimidated by crofters who forced him to burn them in front of them. Government in London alarmed at the seriousness of the situation in the north ordered a public inquiry. The Napier Commission was established to investigate what became known as the Crofters’ War.
The Commission gathered evidence across the Highlands and Islands. It was told, “In Skye, they remembered, when they wanted the land there they were taken to Inverness prison for it. The marines came; the red coats came, gun-boats came, and fifty policemen from Glasgow, and was fought.” The British state met resistance with violent repression – police armed with revolvers and heavy wooden truncheons, arrests and imprisonment. The police brought in from Glasgow beat crofters, many of them women, two of whom, Mary Nicolson and Mrs Finlayson were so viciously assaulted one was reported to have died from her injuries and a third, elderly, woman badly injured. On the mainland at Clashmore in Sutherland and across Ross-shire people pulled up fences and broke down stone dykes that had been erected by lairds to redesignate land. That June eviction summonses were served on families in Lochcarron. They included the very old and infirm being thrown out of their homes and out of the area entirely. Families who had paid rent on land they had cultivated over decades were given 48 hours to quit the estate. Sheriff officers forced their way into homes and removed furniture and possessions. Occasionally resistance succeeded in preventing an eviction.
Continuing unrest across the Highlands and Islands resulted in government reprisals on behalf of lairds. Several gunboats with troops docked in Skye in 1884 to instil fear into the natives. There was some support and encouragement for beleaguered crofters from outside of the Highlands and Islands. A Highland Land League or Highland Land Law Reform Association along with the Crofters’ Party was formed which attracted huge support from among crofters some of whom benefitted from the 1884 change to the franchise that gave them a vote in elections. The following year a handful of Crofter Party members returned MPs under the name Independent Liberal, including Charles Fraser-Mackintosh. Into parliament strode that immense political figure of R.B. Cunninghame-Graham as part of the campaign for Scotland’s land reform. The Highland Land League had succeeded in raising the profile of the plight of crofters under siege by estate owners when previously there was little to no interest among British politicians. The HLL was pivotal to the success of the Crofter’s Party and the presence of crofter representatives in the Commons led to the creation of the Crofters’ Act of 1886 and a sense of optimism reflected in the saying, Is treasa tuath na tighearna – the people are mightier than a lord. That optimism was short-lived.
The Crofters’ Holdings (Scotland) Act 1886 confirmed the Skye crofters were justified in claiming possession of land but provided nothing for the landless in rural Highland and Island communities. Crofting was defined and security of tenure meant a tenant had the right to pass on tenancies to close family. It also led to a Crofters Commission; a land court with rent-fixing powers that generally led to lower rents and could rule on disputes between lairds and crofters. However, the big question of tenants’ access to land was not clarified and so rent strikes and demands for greater access to traditional grazings persisted across the Highlands and Islands with Westminster responding in the usual way sending in police and army to break up protests and weaken resistance. In August 1886 hundreds of armed military landed on Tiree. By the 1890s the Land League’s influence had fallen away to re-emerge in 1909 to fight more forced evictions and promote home rule for Scotland which was seen as crucial to proper representation of Scottish voices. Vitally important decisions for the men, women and children across the Highlands and Islands were being made by politicians in London – the absurdity that men who had no interest in, no understanding of, or sympathy with those being ejected from their homes wielding total power over vulnerable Highlanders – who were squeezed out of fertile land into areas with thin soil and poor grazing. In 1906-07 the Highland Crofters and Cottars Association said, “We cannot afford any longer to be dominated by a gang of obstructive Peers, most of them English, some of them Scots.” Politicians made promises in return for votes. The fledgling Labour Party pledged to the nationalisation of the land. This never happened.
Westminster has never had the interests of the people of Scotland at its heart, never mind the Highlands. Unionism has never valued substantial land reform. Scotland’s struggle for reform of who owned and controlled land reflected what was happening in Ireland. Again Westminster populated by landowners had little sympathy with tenants. MP Charles Parnell, president of the Irish National Land League visited Scotland, addressed crofters’ meetings and shared tactics with the HLL members. Neither country’s fight against land evictions got much sympathy from the unionist press that was invariably on the side of landlords and private property.
In the David/Goliath struggle of crofter versus landlord the repeated response from government in London was to send in armed military against men and women armed with sticks and stones. In 1886 lairds on Skye withheld their rates payments when their tenants refused to pay their share. At the appearance of gunboats off the island landlords paid up but the crofters held out but had their possessions seized in lieu of payments. The nineteenth-century Highlands to some extent mirrored the Highlands in the eighteenth-century with the poorest of the poor battered and intimidated by guns and bayonets and the force of law that protected landowners, flocks of sheep and deer hunting.
The Aberdeen Press and Journal in September 1886 described “sandy hair”, “Heelan” land reformers as “pothouse spouters, who, in the boil of land agitation, have come to the surface with the scum and remain there, because it is comfortable, and may bring them thirty shillings a week.”
That perpetual unionist mouthpiece The Scotsman in Edinburgh denounced land reformers for their “evil doings” . . . “There is nothing in the condition of Scotland to justify exceptional legislation such as Ireland has received …”. It opposed crofter rights and urged Westminster to resist them and urged landowners to evict their tenant farmers without any consultation with them.
To counter such abject bigotry John Murdoch published The Highlander in Inverness that was part Gaelic and part English. Murdoch lived both in the Highlands and in Ireland and was well-acquainted with the harmful impact of landlordism on fragile communities. He travelled extensively through glens and straths hearing firsthand the misfortunes of crofters as well as visiting America with his friend Parnell, spreading news of land campaigns in Scotland and raising funds for the movement. His newspaper published lyrics to Gaelic songs about the Clearances, historical pieces and name derivations but it wasn’t entirely dedicated to the Highlands and included snippets of world news. The Highlander encouraged Scotland’s rural poor to shake off their adherence to “servility and sycophancy” which respected men and women who deserved no such unquestioning respect. But a newspaper that was so squarely on the side of poor crofters and cottars was never going to have widespread appeal and given the geographic nature of Highland communities distribution was a huge problem. For eight years Murdoch provided a medium of communication for one of the least represented groups in the UK but its last edition came out in 1881.
Highland land holding was most relevant in the context of this blog but the nature of who owns Scotland is very much still an issue that the union has failed to address and will require total independence to resolve once and for all.
























